اخبار السودان – وطن نيوز
اخر اخبار السودان اليوم – اخبار السودان العاجلة
W6nnews.com ==== وطن === تاريخ النشر – 2026-05-11 00:30:00
Shawqi Badrefi On March 26, 2026, the trial of two of the biggest criminals in Sweden ended. The charge was so huge that the prosecutor demanded ten years in prison for the millionaire, Lundin, and the director of his company, Schneiter, with six years in prison. Sweden traditionally avoids long-term sentences whenever possible. Because this makes the prisoner’s chance of returning to society easier. This time, the judiciary or society did not feel compassion or understanding for the criminals, despite the judiciary’s reasonableness and its attempt to shorten the period and look humanely at the punishment. In my review of the Swedish Penal Code, I did not find a paragraph that holds the prisoner accountable for escaping arrest or imprisonment. The reason, according to Swedish thought… Freedom is a right and obtaining it is an instinct for humans. We cannot judge those who seek freedom because it is an instinct. However, a prisoner may be punished if he assaults the prison guard or others while trying to escape. Even when the escaped prisoner is returned, he is not brought before a court or added to the prison term due to the escape. So what is the heinous crime of the millionaire, Lundin, and the director, Schneiter?? Quote The main charge is suspected complicity in war crimes and crimes against humanity between 1999 and 2003 in South Sudan. The background of the accusation… human rights organizations accuse the company of inciting violence or causing it through an agreement with the Sudanese government at the time. To secure excavation areas, which led to the displacement of local residents and serious violations.Those involved… The Swedish investigations focused on….the then Chairman of the Board, Ian Lundin, and CEO Alex Schneider. End quote: Thousands of Nuer are being killed and displaced in Unity Governorate. Bullets were fired from helicopters, the Nuer were expelled, their villages were burned, their fields were burned, their cows were killed or looted, etc. And Al-Bashir, who admitted with the greatness of his tongue that he killed tens of thousands for trivial reasons, is still at large. We wrote and talked. No one cared. And you who are reading this, did you know?? And if I knew, did I care?? I wrote about the crying joke. This is what the Swedes, the fools, the absentees, as you think, called war crimes and crimes against humanity. Some divers, underwater welders, and technicians working in oil fields in Norway were earning $200 an hour. This is to obtain oil, which is sold at the same price as Sudanese oil mixed with the blood of the Nuer and others. The Nuer and non-Nuer worker also received two hundred dollars a month!! The difference is as I wrote previously. The difference is that the wage was for six days a week and the work often reached 12 continuous hours from sunrise to sunset. Some of those who were displaced from their land and lost pasture and cows began to wish that someone would fall or be injured so that they could take their place as a worker in the Lundin Petroleum Company. While the newspapers and public opinion were besieging the company and the companies that had bought shares in Lundin Company. One of the companies is one of the largest insurance companies. Its name is Folksam. Folk means popular. This company attracts employed workers and is linked to unions. Despite this, it has been and continues to be grilled. Many Swedes who are owners of Lundin Oil shares have become wealthy. The reason is simple. European companies represent what is known in economics as simple surplus value. Companies buy the commodity of the worker’s effort at a known price and with a contract. In the event of injustice, there are competent courts and the right to protest, strike, etc. This commodity is sold after adding a small value and is known as the excess value. In developing countries, it may reach absolute value. There is simple, compound and absolute surplus value. The investor has two types of capital… Fixed: This is in buildings, land, machinery, the percentage of depreciation of the value of fixed capital, etc. Variable capital is fuel, raw materials, spare parts, wages, etc. In wages, there is surplus value, and this is the difference when capitalism buys the most expensive and important commodity, which is the effort of the employee, and gains from the difference in buying and selling. The surplus value varies from the profit percentage. The difference between the price of buying an employee’s effort and selling it in the labor market, and this is the surplus value. The difference may be simple, complex, or absolute. Surplus value differs from profit, which is what the capitalist earns and his percentage of fixed and variable capital together. In the case of the Nuer, it was practiced on them with the help of the Kizan government and its oppression in excess of the absolute surplus value. It was full-fledged slavery. Companies pay $200 an hour to some workers in Norway, and Nordin Company pays $200 for a month’s work!! This is without insurance, retirement fees, treatment, and compensation in the event of injury or death. Where were you who are attacking the Nuer heroes today?? !! Did the Nuer and the rest of Sudanese workers have any guarantees of rights?? That is why the two countries come up with companies that absorb the effort, blood, health, and perhaps the life of the Sudanese worker without shame or guilt. Karl Bild, the handsome young man, became Prime Minister of Sweden after the defeat of the socialists, which was next to impossible. His key was marrying the daughter of a pig, a reactionary named Eustace Bowman, who was head of the Conservative Party. He issued racist statements against Africans in the seventies, criticizing the United Nations decision to pay one percent of the income of developed countries to Africa as aid. America was paying one-fifth of one percent. Sweden was paying one and a half percent. We were under Denmark’s umbrella because the Scandinavian countries had divided Africa among themselves. Key management hospitals were established, drilling wells, constructing dams, educational missions, and modern, automatic cargo ships, which the cobs sold along with what they plundered. Eusta Bowman said, “Why should we help them….” They are happy and content, living in nests and eating bananas. In one of Eusta Bowman’s lectures before the elections. Swedish young men entered, with their faces painted black, wearing African clothes, and carrying bananas. What is painful is that a Swedish girl is haunted, like many others, by fighting injustice, even if it comes from their country against others, while the Sudanese fall into a deep sleep. Many Europeans are risking their lives to stop animal suffering, protecting the seas and the environment globally. Young Americans were the ones who stopped Nixon from killing the Vietnamese, and imposed peace and withdrawal accompanied by shame. This is what is happening today, and to a greater extent, in Israel’s war against Iran and the crazy Trump, whose tail is flying. When I was a porter in the port of Malmö, the unions refused to disperse ships that brought wine, fruit, or goods to and from apartheid South Africa. The girl Shastin Lundell wrote a wonderful book called,, Lundin Oil and Blood,,. I made a great effort, traveled and exposed the Lundin company, which made the Prime Minister and many others sell Lundin shares mixed with Nuer blood. However, the Conservative government has fallen!! Writer Shastin Lundell and her group pursued the Lundell Company in Ethiopia and succeeded in exposing it. Where do we stand on this?? After Shastin Lundell’s book and the media attention, the Swedish government sent delegations to communicate with the Nuer witnesses. Those who suspected his participation as a witness were arrested, and some were liquidated. Finally, the Swedes were forced to take the witnesses to Sweden and surround them with care and protection. This is why the Swedish justice was able to build a complete case against the criminals. Some of the fools say that Sweden has a dishonorable purpose, otherwise they would not have acted. There is no person who thinks about the interests of others if he does not have a benefit. Most Sudanese today think with the mentality of a cone. Yes, Sweden has more than one purpose. First, the Nuer are oppressed, and all respectable countries fight injustice. Criminals from Sweden!! This is why they believe that punishment and justice must be practiced against their citizens and for the purity of their country’s name. To give everyone an opportunity to reconstruct and understand the presence of the Nuer and some Dinka in the Rapid Support, I convey to you, despite not consulting the wonderful writer who was,, ready,, the situation now. After that, there is no need for clarification. The famous Arab proverb “The speech of every orator has been cut off” is used when someone comes with decisive news or certain information that ends a long discussion and renders the previous discussion and speeches useless. By the writer Mortada Jamal al-Din and his companion, the other hero, Dr. Ahmed al-Mahi, the former governor of the presidency of the republic… great thanks and respect. Quote Saif: Why did the southerners fight alongside the forces of Quick support? (1-2)*This reading provides a framework for understanding how the crisis escalated at the military and political levels.……………………………………………….Murtada Jalal al-Din: A question was asked and continues to be asked today, and it constituted a real shock in the souls of ordinary people in the north and south: Why did the southerners fight alongside the Rapid Support Forces in the war currently taking place in Sudan? This question was my entry point into writing, to clarify many facts about the situation at hand. After the outbreak of the war, and in its fifth month specifically, I received a number of videos and photos that I later published as part of several reports, documenting the participation of groups of Nuer people – with a numerical majority – and then Dinka – in the fighting alongside the Rapid Support. I published it out of an attempt to communicate with anyone from these groups to explain what was happening. A number of the leaders of these groups later contacted me after I started writing about the topic. The main question for them was: Why were they in the field and fighting alongside the Rapid Support? The answers from everyone were (that they were under a contract with the Rapid Support Forces to go to Yemen to join the Sudanese forces in “Operation Decisive Storm,” and that their presence was not a coincidence, but rather the result of organized recruitment, and that most of them underwent inspections while they were in Khartoum, which was done without military complications and with the knowledge of the security services in Sudan). Also, most of these communications reached them through coordination by the advisor to the President of the Government of the South for security affairs, Tut Keo, and some of them claimed to have met (him) personally at the Rotana Al-Salam Barkuit Hotel, And that (the agreement did not go beyond the preparation to go to Yemen). This explains that the large size, form and participation of these forces was not the result of a coincidence or the result of seeking help from them after the outbreak of the war, but rather indicates that they were present and organized a period before that by the Rapid Support within prior arrangements in preparation for (a possible conflict) planned by the Rapid Support, which shows why most of these were members of the (artillery) and they are the elements that the Rapid Support lacked among its forces due to the combat doctrine of the Rapid Support, (it depends). On movement, not concentration, in brief. The participation of this type of forces demonstrates the extent of advance planning and the role of the southern government’s security advisor in this work and reveals the security flaw within the state’s security services!!! What happened was not surprising; The decisive fact is that Tut Kio remained the main actor of these groups for more than two decades, since his work as secretary to General Faulino Matip, until he became the semi-individual leader of what was known as the “Gosh” forces, which are predominantly Nuer. In practice, no party was able to mobilize this number inside Khartoum without the knowledge of the security services or the government of South Sudan. Therefore, the Sudanese government has so far been unable to file an official accusation against Juba. Most of this activity coincided with the stages before, during, and after the Juba Agreement, in the context of complex and intertwined security coordination between multiple parties. I contacted Dr. Ahmed Al-Mahi, the former governor of the Presidency of the Republic, who is one of the most familiar with these files, especially among the Nuer community in the Upper Nile, and his response came quickly. We worked together and collected information from multiple sources about the military situation of those groups, which at the time did not exceed five thousand fighters, most of whom specialized in heavy weapons and had diverse experiences. Gabriel Dao joined us and was pivotal in coordination, as was the administrative officer Jamal Abu Bakr, along with Shuar Yak and General Peter Qalwak. It turned out that these forces were pushed into war without their knowledge, in the absence of prior information from the security and military leaders. We worked to evaluate the situation and consult to unify the vision. The attempts of these forces to disengage from the Rapid Support began with the escalation of field complications, as I communicated with the leaders of these groups with the participation of Dr. Ahmed Al-Mahi and the rest of the concerned parties. We concluded that these forces were not willing to fight inside Khartoum, and expressed a willingness to withdraw towards safe areas such as the “Bout” border. Accordingly, an organized withdrawal plan was proposed that included the surrender of heavy weapons in exchange for the retention of personal weapons and vehicles. However, the approval was delayed for about two months amid repeated justifications, including the travel of President Al-Burhan, before the response of the security services came in a form closer to disavowal. In the face of this, an alternative option was considered, which was to (reemploy) these forces on the field. These forces agreed, once again, to fight inside Khartoum alongside the armed forces as an alternative to withdrawal. We asked them to be prepared until the rules of engagement are determined and field commanders are appointed in coordination with the competent authorities, to act as a support force within agreed-upon arrangements. The security services showed initial enthusiasm, but the process stalled after lengthy rounds of discussion, and stalled among the highest levels of decision-making before the fall of a civilian on December 19. It seemed to us that the assessments of some parties within the state assumed that the army’s position in the field had improved, which was not later proven by the facts, as the scope of the fighting expanded and got out of control. Ultimately, these forces participated in subsequent operations inside the island. The military and political impact of these forces remaining within the ranks of the Rapid Support until now led to: the complexity of operations inside Khartoum (at that time). Strengthening human and field rapid support capabilities. Loss of control over strategic areas, with increasing army pressure on the ground. Expanding the circle of polarization in favor of rapid support. Prolonging the confrontations until now. The spread of these forces in separate locations has become a field pressure factor that could have been neutralized by a decisive decision at the right time. In this sense, the fall of Khartoum was not the result of the opponent’s strength alone, but rather a direct reflection of the decision-making vacuum within the security system. In this context, I worked hard with Dr. Ahmed Al-Mahi, and the rest of the brothers above, to intensify communications to understand what was going on and unravel its complexities, while these same forces were (pressing towards accelerating their disengagement from the Rapid Support). Therefore, the fundamental question should not remain limited to: Why did these people fight with the Rapid Support? Rather, it must turn to deeper accountability: How was it allowed to open the door to organized recruitment of third-party forces under the cover of foreign operations? Why were these arrangements not adjusted or redirected when the war broke out? More importantly, why was the opportunity not used to neutralize these forces or employ them as a supporting force, despite the availability of information and their explicit request to withdraw, while the last example of that of Major General Abu Aqla Kaykal was accepted!!!? Murtada Jalal al-Din. End of quote Shawqi shawgibadri@hotmail.com The writer
