اخبار اليمن – وطن نيوز
اخبار اليمن اليمن الان – اخبار اليمن اليوم
W6nnews.com ==== وطن === تاريخ النشر – 2026-06-21 04:46:00
This development comes as a culmination of the Zionist entity’s announcement of its unilateral recognition of the region as an “independent state” on December 26, 2025. Through field reports, Zionist security studies, and official statements, the geopolitical dimensions and objectives of this relationship can be dismantled, while defining the expected confrontation scenarios in light of the equations imposed by the Yemeni armed forces in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab, during the Battle of Al-Aqsa Flood, and the Iranian deterrence equation during the recent confrontation in Hormuz. The roots of the relationship The Zionist recognition of Somaliland came as a reflection of a path that crystallized first within the security institutions and “Israeli” think tanks before moving to the political-diplomatic level. On December 10, 2025, the Zionist National Security Institute (INSS) published a study led by former Director of the Military Intelligence Division, Tamir Hayman, entitled “Israel in the Red Sea Arena,” which confirmed that the so-called “Tel Aviv” views Somaliland as a strategic partner to confront Islamic influence, secure shipping routes, and search for practical options in the vicinity of the Red Sea in light of the Yemeni challenges. Only two weeks after this study, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced the signing of a full mutual recognition agreement, followed in June 2026 by the opening of the region’s first embassy in occupied Jerusalem, and the signing of a joint declaration to enhance military and defense cooperation. In this context, the Minister of Defense of Somaliland, Mohamed Yusuf Ali, publicly acknowledged the existence of an advanced and direct level of military and security cooperation with the enemy entity. In statements he made to Reuters on the sidelines of an economic forum organized by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs in occupied Jaffa (Tel Aviv), the minister confirmed that the enemy entity Israel is already helping to provide training and support programs for the police and army forces in Somaliland (Somaliland). Despite the minister’s attempt to reassure regional and international parties by saying that the enemy’s permanent military bases were nothing but “rumors,” observers considered his announcement as an official recognition of the transition of military relations to the public, turning the region into a focus of direct Zionist security influence. In an interview with the Hebrew news website Ynet, affiliated with the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, the region’s Foreign Minister, Abd al-Rahman Dahir Adam, expressed his absolute loyalty to the Zionist entity in terms of praise and praise, and demonstrated readiness to work and cooperate in any field, whether economic, security, or political, not ruling out the establishment of the Israeli enemy entity’s military base in Somali territory. The alleged president of the Somaliland region posted on his page on the Arrangements to establish a Zionist military base in “Berbera” Contrary to the diplomatic denials of the Hargeisa Authority, Hebrew and Western sources (such as Bloomberg, Israel Hayom, and the WarontheRocks website) confirmed that the meetings of the President of the region with the Zionist Defense Minister, “Yisrael Katz”, discussed directly and practically establishing a permanent military presence. Swedish Radio Ekot quoted sources within the separatist government of Somaliland, “Somaliland,” that planning is actually moving toward establishing a Zionist military base adjacent to the strategic city and port of Berbera overlooking the Gulf of Aden, as a “direct Zionist response” to the security equations imposed by the Yemeni armed forces in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab. An extensive investigation published by the American CNN network revealed that Somaliland has become an effective part of a broader network of secret sites used by the Zionist Air Force during its direct military confrontation with Iran and its allies in the region. The report stated that a site in Somaliland provided the enemy entity with an additional logistical point and a support or stopover station for Israeli aircraft on their long-range flights, making the Horn of Africa an open and exposed arena of confrontation before regional military calculations. These movements and the security exposure of the Somaliland region come at a time when the region is witnessing an escalation of direct war between the Islamic Republic of Iran, and with it the axis of jihad and resistance, America and the Israeli enemy entity. In this context, the Zionist Foreign Minister, Gideon Sa’ar, believes that the entity’s security and operational coordination in that region has been taking place for a long time through back channels, and today the time has come to transform it into a permanent military position and public activity in the Red Sea. The geopolitical and operational value of Somaliland in Zionist calculations. The importance of the region to the Zionist entity stems from two interconnected factors: the ruling military geography, and the work of the leadership of the separatist region, under the name of political pragmatism of the Hargeisa authority, which is ready to trade geography for recognition. The first factor is the maritime focus and the alternative to bankrupt ports, as the Red Sea represents the lifeline of the entity, and approximately 12% of global maritime trade passes through it. After the success of the Yemeni naval blockade in imposing isolation on the southern port of Umm al-Rashrash (Eilat) and its virtual bankruptcy, the entity is looking for flexible focal points to resupply logistical supplies in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. The second factor is to reduce the time difference and close operational work, as the coast of Somaliland extends over a length of 740 kilometers, and is located at a distance of only 300 to 500 kilometers from the areas under the control of the Yemeni armed forces and the port of Hodeidah. This geographical proximity gives the Israeli enemy entity an operational advantage, to plant radars and an advanced spy system to monitor Yemeni missile platforms and drones before they are launched, while reducing the time difference needed to intercept attacks, creating support stations and logistical stops for Zionist Air Force aircraft on their long-range flights, and facilitating the strike on Yemeni weapons and supply lines. In this context, the Zionist Institute for National Security Studies believes that the alliance with Somaliland matches the strategic function that the alliance with Azerbaijan performed in besieging Iran and penetrating its flank, intelligence and militarily, despite the difference in the arena and the nature of the Yemeni threat. Concession papers: Intelligence data and satellite images confirm that the Hargeisa Authority has made sovereign concessions to consolidate this recognition, and arrangements are underway to establish a Zionist military base adjacent to the strategic city and port of Berbera overlooking the Gulf of Aden. Among these concessions, intelligence reports (Jesca platform and Le Monde newspaper) monitored accelerated engineering development work at Berbera Airport, which included deep trenches, underground facilities, and elevated platforms designated for storing missile ammunition and installing Zionist early warning systems. These operations are being managed with direct Emirati coordination and funding, exploiting the influence of Dubai Ports World, which manages the port and the free zone there. The trade-off of geography and the Palestinian issue (resettlement) comes into play in this regard, as political reports revealed the region’s openness to accepting “the resettlement of the people of the Gaza Strip” in its territory (with a population of about 3 million), which represents a Zionist-separatist involvement in projects to liquidate the Palestinian issue in exchange for gaining diplomatic legitimacy. It is an extension of the region’s policy that appeared in 2024 when it signed a memorandum of understanding with Ethiopia to grant it a length of coastal strip. 20 km to build a naval base in exchange for recognition. Reactions and positions of rejection This explicit step into the Zionist embrace sparked a widespread wave of anger and condemnation, as the Somali federal government in Mogadishu, headed by Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud, condemned the Zionist recognition and rapprochement, describing them as a blatant violation of Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, warning that the establishment of suspicious foreign bases will increase instability in the Horn of Africa. In turn, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the African Union officially condemned the move, warning of the complexity of political balances, while Somali factions, led by Al-Shabaab, issued explicit threats to target the authority of Hargeisa and the interests of the entity, which opens the door to warnings that any presence of the Israeli enemy in Berbera will raise the possibility of proxy wars and place the region directly within the range of strikes by the Yemeni armed forces. This is confirmed by the clear Yemeni response. Commander Abdul Malik Badr al-Din al-Houthi – may God protect him – affirmed by saying: “We affirm our complete seriousness in our position in support of the brotherly Muslim Somali people, and the issue for us is of great importance from many aspects, as it constitutes a threat against Yemen and against the peoples of the region, and a danger to the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab, and this is an issue we can never remain silent about, and we know in the face of a danger like this that it is not enough to issue statements… practical positions must be taken.” He added: “This is why we are continuing the monitoring process and working to strengthen it, and we are serious about targeting any Israeli enemy position in Somaliland, a military base or the like. Any fixed Zionist position that we find is available to us and that we can target, and in the form in which we can target it, we will not hesitate to target it militarily.” In the context of dismantling the dimensions of this threat, the Deputy Director of the Department of Moral Guidance, Brigadier General Abdullah bin Amer, pointed out that controlling the southern entrance to the Red Sea is an old Zionist strategy since the era of David Ben-Gurion. It was dealt a severe blow by the strategic shift of the September 21, 2014 revolution in Yemen, which turned the tables on the entity after decades of securing navigation through agreements with coastal countries and reassurances of the former Yemeni regime. Bin Amer explained that the establishment of any Zionist intelligence base or center in Somaliland is the culmination and revival of the military procedures and bases that the UAE established in the Yemeni islands and the Horn of Africa to serve the Zionist project, stressing that the positions of regional countries (such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Turkey) are governed by political interests and economic blackmail, and cannot be bet on to protect Arab national security. In this regard, the Zionist approach differs from what America wants, as Washington’s position is characterized by apprehension. While voices in Congress (such as Ted Cruz) are pushing to exploit Somaliland as a partner in the Red Sea, this push clashes with the approach of the US administration institutions (the Pentagon and the State Department), which tend to maintain the principle of “one Somalia” to protect their joint efforts with Mogadishu against Al-Shabaab, fearing that Zionist recognition will give momentum in Somali public opinion that confirms the principles and principles of Al-Shabaab, which threatens Western ambitions in the entire Horn of Africa. Future confrontation scenarios Based on field developments and intelligence data, the features of the confrontation in the Horn of Africa are taking shape within three main paths: The first scenario: continued intelligence attrition and monitoring (the current reality). In this scenario, the Zionist entity focuses on remaining under the umbrella of logistical protection and training, while being content with installing monitoring and eavesdropping devices and flying reconnaissance planes to collect a bank of targets inside Yemen, taking advantage of the Emirati infrastructure in Berbera, without officially announcing fixed bases to avoid direct strikes. The second scenario: direct military confrontation and pre-emptive strikes (likely according to Sana’a’s warnings). In the event that the entity persists in establishing itself militarily and turning planning for the “Berbera” base into a permanent operational reality, Sana’a – based on the right of legitimate defense and declared regional equations – will deploy ballistic missile weapons and long-range unmanned aerial vehicles to launch direct and pre-emptive military strikes against the Zionist concentration in Berbera. This scenario seemed inevitable in the speech of Commander Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, may God protect him, in which he affirmed: “Any fixed Zionist position that we find available to us and that we can target, we will not hesitate to target it militarily.” The third scenario: internal explosion and changing the Somali equation (the most dangerous for Hargeisa) The Somaliland administration’s strengthening of the Zionist enemy and its acceptance of projects to displace the Palestinians of Gaza will act as an internal explosive factor; Due to the absolute ideological and national rejection of the Somali people against the Zionists. This presence may be the fuse that brings together the diaspora of Somali factions (including the Al-Shabaab movement, which explicitly threatened to target the Hargeisa authority, and the forces under American auspices), through coordination and joint action with the Somali people and their free forces, and the axis of resistance to overthrow the Hargeisa authority, and cleanse the Horn of Africa of the Zionist presence through an open popular and military war. The Zionist positioning in Somaliland represents a dangerous escalatory move aimed at breaking the naval blockade imposed on the Israeli enemy entity, and besieging the Yemeni front from behind. However, this alliance is born geographically and politically dead; It lacks international cover (cautious American rejection and collective African and Arab rejection), and it also places the Hargeisa separatist authority in the direct line of fire of Yemeni missiles, and opens the door to its internal demise through a popular revolution and uncontainable Somali armed resistance operations. The march
