اخبار المغرب – وطن نيوز
اخر اخبار المغرب اليوم – اخبار المغرب العاجلة
W6nnews.com ==== وطن === تاريخ النشر – 2026-05-23 02:07:00
Idris Lachkar, the first writer of the Socialist Union of Popular Forces party, revealed the features of his vision for future political alliances, rejecting the rigid ideological classifications between “progressive” and “conservative,” declaring his readiness to extend a hand to all forces that agree with his party on the values of modernity and freedoms, while he caused a surprise by revealing the details of a direct dialogue between him and the Minister of the Interior regarding the proposal to create a national list for the world’s Moroccans, a proposal that was met – as he put it – with verbal praise. Accompanied by postponement of my work. This came during the opening session of the National Forum of the Federal Youth held in the city of Bouznika, Friday, May 22, 2026, where the political alliances issue was one of the most prominent topics of the question and answer session that followed the opening speech, as Lashkar faced direct questions from the party’s youth about the nature of the alliances that the Socialist Union intends to forge on the horizon of the upcoming electoral elections, and about the red lines that the party will not cross in this regard. In a response that seemed calculated, Lashkar announced a clear break with the purely ideological approach to building alliances, saying in a decisive tone: “Today, principles and position are no longer the ones that manage politics. Today, we no longer say this is a progressive policy or this is a conservative policy, because conservatism and progress are combined with developments and this speed and the complexities of reality… Today we say: Are we pursuing a good policy that is good for that people, or are we pursuing a bad policy?” However, this pragmatic openness was not without limits, as Lashkar drew a clear red line that cannot be negotiated, which is individual and collective freedoms, stressing: “Tomorrow we will not be able to ally ourselves – and we say this with all responsibility – with those who take a step backwards with regard to individual and collective freedoms.” On the other hand, he opened the door wide to political forces that may not adopt the socialist reference, but share the modernist value system with his party, explaining: “But I am ready to ally myself with a brother who is not a socialist and does not have this social democratic dimension, so we can be closer to each other in modernity and freedoms.” In a realistic justification for this approach, Lachkar relied on the nature of the Moroccan electoral system, which does not allow any party alone to achieve a comfortable majority, saying: “In order for us to have good policy, no one alone can achieve it, neither with the pattern of voting that exists in the country nor the way it is established, and therefore there must be alliances. These alliances are founded on the program.” In the context of defining the common programmatic ground on which alliances can be built, he added: “Of course, what is social. We, social democracy, is a project founded on social protection, founded on health coverage, founded on fighting [الفوارق]… All those who are ready to manage this thing, we will extend our hands to them after the elections, and we will manage alliances with them.” Lachkar did not limit himself to drawing the features of future alliances, but also directed harsh criticism of the experience of the current majority emerging from the elections of September 8, 2021, considering that the gathering of the first three parties in a single government alliance led to what he described as “invasion” that emptied the constitutional institutions of their democratic content. In comparison, he invoked the French model, saying: “France The ballot boxes are given to the first, second, third, fourth and fifth. “What is not right at all is that you are managing a majority that moves from the far right to Melenchon,” stressing that institutional balance requires “that two major parties be in the majority and another major party be in the opposition.” Lachkar revealed the democratic price that Morocco paid as a result of this imbalance: “You cannot implement the constitution.” “You cannot run either the fact-finding committee or the oversight petition or anything because the majority is tyrannical,” he recalled, recalling his personal experience when he was head of the socialist team under a federal government, where his party – which was in the majority – initiated the establishment of a fact-finding committee on real estate and tourism ulcers, in a precedent that he described as indicating the difference between a political culture that respects institutions and another that considers “concealing and covering the truth to be part of its tasks as a majority.” And in the context of justifying his delay in announcing the details of the electoral program, Lachkar did not hide his annoyance at what he described as the “theft” of social discourse by parties with a liberal orientation, in a remarkable political irony. He said sarcastically: “The liberal parties and liberal candidates are not socialists, many of you.” The one who used to say, ‘Explore your pocket so that your child can get his education’ – that is, he went to public school – today he is singing the praises of the public school and calling it the ‘Pioneer School.’” The criticism extended to include the health sector, where he accused the ruling majority of directing public resources towards the private sector at the expense of public hospitals: “You saw how bad the villas were, they returned them to private hospitals, and how little they bought the hospitals. And that support, which was limited to public health, has disappeared. 90% of it went to the private sector, leaving not even 10% of the budgets allocated for public health for major hospitals and university hospitals.” Lachkar began his answer by reviewing his party’s internal organizational experience in dealing with Moroccans abroad, revealing that the organizational structure of the Socialist Union includes 12 internal parties and thirteen abroad, and that the latter has become one of the “strong parties” thanks to the cumulative efforts of generations of activists. He explained that the role of this party is not limited to issues related to immigration, but rather extends to the actual contribution to party work at the international level: “The youth and women we have are all complete, except in “The issue is the issue of external relations, the party’s issue. The major contributions are from internal youth only, even from external youth who contribute to all organizational tasks,” he added, adding that the party’s delegations in international forums – whether in the Socialist International or the Progressive Alliance – “always” include representatives of Moroccans abroad. Lachkar then moved from internal party affairs to the national institutional level, stressing that his party was “the only party in the party field” that presented a concrete proposal to represent the community. He revealed the content of this proposal, which was presented in the reform memorandums submitted to the Minister of the Interior, to create a thirteenth national list – in addition to the twelve regional lists – called the “Moroccans of the World List”, which includes between 8 and 10 seats, and is voted on by Moroccan citizens residing abroad according to the proportional representation system. He explained to Shukur the philosophy behind this proposal, explaining that adopting the unity list system will inherently guarantee political diversity: “This list. According to the list system, there will be diversity, because each party will have two seats or one seat, and therefore every political spectrum will be represented,” indicating that this formula will prevent one party from monopolizing the representation of the community. However, the real surprise came when Lashkar revealed the Minister of the Interior’s response to this proposal. In a rare moment of political frankness in front of a young audience, the first writer narrated the details of this direct dialogue: “With all regret, we are in the Dialogue dialogue with Mr. Minister of the Interior, and regarding this matter, Leah said: I would like the idea to be good, but it must be matured, and it must be like this…” It seemed clear that Lashkar was not satisfied with this answer, which he considered a form of disguised postponement, as he stressed that his party did not give in to this response: “We stuck to and put the proposal as ours,” before concluding in a tone that combines hope and realism: “God willing, in one case, the set of proposals that we are putting forward, and time will arrive, will come true.” In the context of strengthening the credibility of his proposal, Lashkar mentioned the legacy. The Legislative Council of his party on this file, calling for a return to the parliament’s archive: “If you go back to the parliament’s archive and look at the law proposals presented by the Moroccan parties, we can say with full responsibility that the Socialist Union developed texts and we had proposals for laws that led to developing the relationship and facilitating the lives of Moroccans around the world in their relationship with embassies and consulates. In an eloquent description of the extent of the transformation that consular services have witnessed thanks to these legislative initiatives, Lachkar said: “Oh.” Consulates at one time were operating in the state of a commissary. Dibba, our citizen, the dialect of the Moroccans of the world, deals with bodies, stations, and consulates with a single level of humanity that was not previously the case.” The national issue.. “From isolation to the presidium.” In another chapter of his lengthy intervention, Lashkar stopped at the diplomatic role of the party and its youth in defending territorial integrity within international organizations, revealing a long path of silent resistance. He recalled the historical context in which Morocco was isolated within these international structures during the era of the Cold War: “At a time of conflict The polarists considered us to be the pawns of global imperialism… and they considered themselves to be the umbrella of the Soviet Union and the communists who controlled these structures. They considered that what was in Algeria and its henchmen, the Polisario, were all progressive and leftists, and therefore they were all supportive of it.” He announced with clear pride that the party had succeeded in reversing this equation: “In this International, we have reached for the first time the position of the Presidium and to be Officials in the Presidium Dial Yousi (IUSY),” while “the Algerian Liberation Front and the Algerian Socialists no longer have a position in all the institutions of these fronts.” But he did not hide his pain at what was happening in other forums, referring bitterly to the experience of the Pan-African Parliament: “But in these last weeks the pain is wrenching in my heart when I see the African Parliament pass that exam and we get that miserable result,” revealing the extent of the disparity in capabilities: “Milli comes.” The Algerian delegation is on a private plane with 70 and 80 people, and you are portraying a defenseless sister who does not even have anyone to help and protect her, and you enter into real confrontations.” Regarding the issue of youth and electoral representation, Lashkar categorically refused to deal with youth as a “reservoir of electoral support,” stressing that the party presents real youth candidates in real competitive circles, and not in symbolic or combative nominations. In this context, he revealed numbers by saying: “We have Gadi candidates running for elections are 21 years old, and an engineer in Ifrane is 26 years old… and you will not run for that struggle nomination, no. “They applied to win the seat,” he announced, announcing that the party would include in its lists “more than five young men under 30 years old out of 30 candidates.” He also announced that the party’s women would run in local constituencies alongside men, and not just in the regional lists legally reserved for women: “Our women, partisans, submitted their nominations in local constituencies. We will have women’s nominations in local constituencies alongside men.” Regarding the internal mechanisms for decision-making, Lashkar recounted how the Federal Youth Leadership disagreed with the party leadership regarding the timing and form of holding the youth conference: “The Federal Youth Leadership met and chose to disagree with the party leadership regarding the form of decision-making. They told us: No, it’s not your business. It’s up to you to leave the decision to us. They told us more than this: “We are the ones who gathered and we are the ones who know exactly when we should hold this conference.” Instead of this dispute turning into a crisis – as it happens in other parties, according to him – Lashkar confirmed that the party had engaged “without any hesitation” in the decision of his youth, considering this evidence of the quality of democratic practice that the Moroccan party scene lacks: “It cannot be done like this in any other party. We tell it to you with all responsibility.” In a related context, Lashkar called for a radical reconsideration of the relationship between party youth and the parent party, considering that the existing organizational separation “represents a decline in youth.” He asked in a disapproving tone: “Why do you say that the age of majority is 18 years?” We demand to be nominated at 18 years old, and to bear responsibility at 18 years old, and after that we will say: ‘Did we have one of the caskets in particular that you called the youth?’” He stressed that this organizational form “has been bypassed in the socialist parties in the developed world.” He suggested instead that the youth group should be opened to the age group between 14 and 18 years (the age of discrimination), with the young man or woman joining from the age of 18 directly in the party “because his or her responsibility is neither civil, nor criminal, nor political.” Electoral nominations: “We did not shed the third, and we responded to the first.” In response to what he described as the “corrupt and lying media” that promoted the existence of unrest within the party regarding the nominations, Lashkar revealed a decentralized mechanism for preparing the lists of candidates, starting from the local level, passing through the regional, and reaching the regional level: “We made sure that the nomination and qualifications were local, then regional, then regional, and we opened the nomination to everyone. He confirmed that the first writer and the political office were satisfied with approving the decisions as they came from the base: “What “The third Shednash and our first response… This is the thing no matter how we announced it.” He pointed out that the process was completed in most regions with the exception of “some areas in the Souss region and some areas in the desert.” He called on the youth to search for themselves in party history, referring them to an official source that cannot be challenged: “They go to the Equity and Reconciliation Commission… They will notice that the party that made the greatest sacrifices, and the reports speak of more than 80% of the victims present, are all federal.” He also mentioned. With the sacrifices of the partisan press: “They wouldn’t let the journalist come in the middle of the night, break the printing presses, enter the sleepy homes of journalists and presidents, and kidnap them.”
